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THE TWO OR THREE MILLIONS. 

NO APPROPRIATION RECOMMENDED. 



The President of the United States of America, James K. 
Polk, in his late annual message of December 9th, 1846, 
says: 

" Near the close of your last sess'on, for reasons commu- 
nicated to (Jongress, I deemed it important, as a measure 
for securing a speedy peace ivitli Mexico, that a sum of mo- 
ney should be appropriated, and placed in the power of the 
Executive, similar to that which had been made upon two 
former occasions, during the administration of President 
Jefferson. 

" On the twenty -sixth of February, 1S03, an appropriation 
of two millions of dollars was made, and placed al the dis- 
posal of the Fre.sidf-.nt — its object is well known — it was at 
that time in contemplation to acquire Louisiana ixom. France, 
and it was intended to be applied as a part of the considera- 
tion which might be paid for that territory 

-'On the 13th, of January, ISOT, the same sum was in 
like manner appropriated, with a view to the purchase of the 
Floridas from Spain. 

*' The appiopriations were made io facilitate negociations, 
and as a means to enable the President to accomplish the 
important objects in view. Though it did not become ne- 
cessary for the President to use these appropriations, yet a 
state of things might have arisen, in which it would have 
been hii^hhj important for him to do so, and the wisdom of 
making them cannot be doubled. 

" Ii is believed that the measine recommended at your last 
Session met with the approbation of decided, majorities in 
both Houses of Congress. Indeed, in ^f^ere^^^/wms, a bill 
making an appropriation of two millions (^{ dollars, passed 
each House, and it is much to be regretted that it did not be- 
come a law. 

** The reasons, which induced me to recommend the mea- 
sure at that time, still exist : and I again submit the sub- 






ject for your consideration, and suggest the importance of 
early action upon it. 

*' Should it be made, and be not needed, it will remain 
in the Treasury : should it be deemed proper to apply it, in .. 
whole or in part, it will be accounted for as other public ex- 
penditures." 

It is keenly to be regretted that such a recommendation, 
from a president of the United States of America, as that 
above transcribed from his message, should seriously be 
made a subject of public discussion in the legislative halls of 
our federal Congress. Indeed the alleged object of the re- 
commended measure is of itself so obviously contemptible 
that it would be impossible for the American people to escape 
the most scornful and humiliating strictures from all foreign 
nations, as well as the sneers of that very enemy in whose 
favor this extraordinary appropriation is solicited, and who 
will not fail to derive "aid and comfort" from the evident 
embarrassment, in which Mr. Folk implicitly confesses to 
have been thrown by the wanton, nay malicious, war by him 
and him alone, provoked. 

Viewing this affair under the mildest aspect possible, Mr. 
Polk would appear to act the part of a brutal school-master^ 
who after having broken the legs of a child for disobedience 
to one of his insane injunctions endeavors to prevent it from 
screaming, by placing a sweet cake in its little hands, to 
avoid being lapidated by the rest of his indignant pupils, or 
sent to the penitentiary. But on closer examination, we 
will find much worse than that. 

President Polk asked (tho' happily in vain) on the close 
of the last Session of Congress, August 10th, 1846, two mil- 
lions of dollars for no other alleged reason but to secure a 
speedy peace with Mexico. He asked agai7i in his late mes- 
sage (December 9, 1S46) the same sum, for reasons, said he, 
which STILL exist; and he asks now (February 1847), 
through some of his most eloquent satellites in the Senate 
not less than three millions of dollars, for reasons, of 
course, considerably increased in importance since August, 
1846. 

I would, before all, respectfully observe that the quoted 
precedents under the administration of President Jefferson 
can by no means be available to justify the appropriation de- 
sired by President Polk ; first, because a lawless act cannot 
authorize new violations of the law; and then, because 
there is not the slightest ''^ similarity'''^ between the two cases, 
which prompted, right or wrong, the solicitations of Mr. 
Jefferson, and the one on which Mr. Polk grounds his own, 



first because amicable transactions for a purchase of lands 
from friendly powers have no analogy with acquisitions of 
lands already usurped vi et armis from a foreign poople : 
secondly, because purchases from an omnipotent French lea- 
der in 1803, and an absolute Spanish monarch in 1806, could 
never be invalidated under any pretext whatever, whilst a 
forced cession of lands by a Republic, whose territory is 
inalienable^ except by the express consent of the whole na- 
tion, might at any time be declared null and void: thirdly 
and finally because the blame of a bribe to agents oi irrespon- 
sible sellers, with a view to obtain advantageous terms in a 
civil transaction, could only remain with the persons bribed; 
whilst a mere attempt on our part to bribe Mexican leaders 
to obtain through their influential power, the acquiescence 
of the whole Mexican nation to our lawless depredations, 
and a ''speedy peace vvith her," would evidently prove tan- 
tamount to an open confession on our part, both of the crim- 
inal injustice of the war we are waging against Mexico, and 
to a still more degrading acknowledgement of our inability 
to continue it with success. 

Now, as to the "still" existing reasons, for which the ap- 
propriation of two millions of dollars was recommended by 
Mr. Polk in August 1846, we shall speedily see that neither 
now, nor at any other preceding period, any reasonable pro- 
bability existed in lavor of the solicited appropriation. I 
shall first show that, even in the supposition of Mr. Polk 
having had some honorable or dishonorable "reasons" to ad- 
vance-that request in August 1846, neither any of his own 
reasons, nor those of any other person, now exist for placing 
at his disposal any sum of money whatever, lor the alleged 
purpose of "securing a speedy peace with Mexico." 

To understand correctly and fully the force of this vital 
argument, let us glance at the plan of Mr. Polk's war against 
Mexico. 

" I must have, said he, by all means, and with apparent 
" uprightness^ a large part of the Mexican empire. I shall 
*' begin by securing the constitutional annexation of Texas 
" to the United States. Mexico, who had repeatedly protes- 
" ted that this annexation would be looked upon by her as 
" a declaration of tvar^ will naturally resent, and interrupt 
*' all diplomatic mtercourse with my government. She will 
" likewise retaliate by suspending the payment of the in- 
"demnity due to American Claimants pursuant to a public 
" treaty. But, in her powerless condition, she will go no 
" farther in her vengeance, and then I would not havesuffi- 
^* cient cause for the wholesale spoliation I propose — I shall 



** then send to Mexico a negotiator for peace, but vested 
** with such a character that it will be impossible for her to 
** receive him — I shall at the same time push an army to 
" Rio Grande del Norte, under the double assumption that 
" the whole territory east of said Rio, from its mouth to its 
" source, is, or must be, an integral part of the wilderness of 
" Texas, and ihat it will be my duty to guard that boundary 
" line against Mexican threats — For the same indisputable 
*^ reasons, 1 shall point my cannon on the Mexican town of 
" Matamoras, and challenge her garrison to fight. A fight 
" will then be inevitable with my troops, and then I shall be 
" able to produce three counts against Mexico : 

"1st. To have violated a 'public treaty by suspending 
" causelessly the payment of the indemnity due by her to 
" American claimants: 2ndly. To have rejected insultingl'i/ 
"an American Minister, through whom I had sent her the 
""olive branch:" 3rdly. To have shed American blood 
" on American soil. 

" I will then have acquired a full right, nay I will appear 
"in duty bound to solicit from Congress a declaration that 
"war exists by the fact of Mexico, and I shall then invade 
" her by sea and land on all her assailable points, for which 
" timely preparations shall be made in advance. A quick 
"and general occupation (which I shall not call cnvquest) 
" will then take place, by the American army, of the ( alifor- 
" nias, New-Mexico, Chihuahua, Sonora, Sinaloa, Durango, 
" Coahuila, Tamaulipas, New-Leon to the Sierra Madre 
" &.C. the annexation of which provinces to the United 
" States will immediately be ])roclaimed by my Generals, 
"conformably wiih a law of nations of my own making — 
" whilst my invincible squadrons will blockade or capture, 
" without firing a gun, all the ports of Mexico on both oceans, 
" she having fortunately no navy at all to resist my chivalric 
"aggressions; and then, frightened to death at such a sud- 
" den visitation of God, and interiorly lacerated by federal, 
"central and monarchical parties, without money, credit, 
" soldiers and efficient leaders &.c. my dear sister Mexico will 
" fallen her knees, and implore, or thankfully accept, a peace 
" on my own terms of course, on the basis of the ufi possidetis; 
" my government generously assuming her debt towards 
" American citizens (who will never have a cent), in com- 
" pensation of the enormous expenses of a war she had most 
"unjustly declared to the United States. I will then have 
" acquired for my beloved country, more than halfol the 
" Mexican empire, causing at the same time Europe and the 
" world to be astonished at tlie sublimity of my genius, and 



" posterity to adore my name in the pantheon of immortality, 
"much above those of Caesar, Alexander, Napoleon, and 
" Washington himself (fcc." Dixit et factum est I 

In August 1S46, the execution of this inimitable scheme 
was triumphantly going on, under peculiar circumstances, 
which in his opinion could not fail to secure its full success. 
Mexico was still a central Republic, ahhough a large federal 
party existed in her northern departments, and in Yucatan. 
A new Mexican Congress, to whom had been referred a new 
proposal of peace from Mr. Polk, was to assemble on the 
6th of December of the same year. A conspiracy had been 
formed against General Paredes, the then acting President, 
who was not favorable to federalism. Santa Anna, exiled in 
J-iavana, and formerly the destroyer of the federal C onstitu- 
tion of his country, was now promising his protection lothe 
federal party in Mexico to have his regress thereto protected 
by them. — And Mr. Polk, in his high conceptions, saw the 
moment to conquer a speedy peace. He thought that Santa 
Anna could easily overthrow Paredes, re-conquer the dicta- 
torship, influence the elections for the new Mexican Con- 
gress, in a word, exercise without control all the functions 
of an absolute sovereign, and restore by his own authority 
the peace between the two republics. He opened, then, 
with that chief, secret negotiations — and hence the necessity 
for himself to have ready jf??'c5 manibus two or three millions 
of dollars. 

In December 1846, when Mr. Polk asked again from Con- 
gress an appropriation of two millions of dollars, for ihe same 
praiseinnrthi/ object of " securing a peace with Mexico," the 
Mexican affairs were entirely changed; and at this present 
day of February 1847, when the propriety of making the 
appropriation is to be discussed in Congress, not only have 
ail the former "reasons" of Mr. Polk disappeared, but the 
utmost impossibility of obtainijis peace, either by bribery or 
by force of arms, is firmly established. 

A chronological synopsis of all such movements of Antonio 
Lopez de Santa Anna, as have hitherto had an immediate 
bearing on my subject, must indispensably precede my fur- 
ther demonstratic»ns. 

Whilst, through Mr. Slidell Makenzie, President Polk was 
entertaining mysterious correspondence with Santa Anna in 
Havana, despatches dated 27ih July, 1846, were sent by 
our CabinPT. to that of Mexico, and a coitjide/dial messagef 
dated the 4th of the following August, was sent to our Sen- 
ate by Mr. Polk, wherein he said amongst other very impor- 
tani things^ 



^^ Should the Mexican government be willing to cede any 
^* portion of their territory to the United States, we ought to 
" pay them a fair equivalent, a just and honorable peace, 
" not conquest, beinff our purpose in the prosecution of war. 
" It might become necessary that I should have it in my 
" power to advance a portion of the consideration money for 
*' any cession of territory which may be made. 

To extort, a coups de canon from an unwilling nation a 
cession of territory, is by no means, "a conquest''^ in the good 
sense of our President; it is merely a genteel eagerness for a 
just and honorable peace ! 

On the 8th of August, Santa Anna sailed for Vera Cruz 
in a British vessel ; and on the same day Mr. Polk sent di pub- 
lic message 1o Congress asking two millions of dollars to 
procure a speedy and honorable peace. This solicitation 
proved, casually, a failure on the lUth. Santa Anna arrived 
at Vera Cruz on the 16th undisturbed by our blockading 
squadron. On the same day, he issued a proclamation com- 
plaining of the perfidy of the cabinet of Herrera on the ques- 
tion of the northern h'ontier of Mexico (to Las Nueces accor- 
ding to tlerrera, and to the Sabine, according to Santa Anna) 
charging Paredes with favoring moyiarchical plans (Santa 
Anna's own plans), and dolefully regarding his countrymen 
as doomed either to become a prey to Anglo-American am- 
bition, or to fly, for the safety of their national existence, to 
monarchical forms under a European Prince (and this is his 
own desideratum hoping no longer for Mexican dictator- 
ships). But to the point. 

Santa Anna had returned to Mexico with the apparent 
design to espouse again the cause of the federal party by 
him formerly crushed to death, to revenge himself upon the 
centralists, who, when banished in December 1844, had de- 
serted him. He received, then, in Vera Cruz, the congrat- 
ulations of two sons of that Mexican Aristides, Dr. Valentin 
Gomez Farias, who sternly faithful to the federal system, 
had been in 1835 cruelly persecuted by the traitor Santa 
Anna, and compelled to take refuge, with his numerous fam- 
ily, in New Orleans. 

Before the arrival of Santa Anna at Vera Cruz, President 
Paredes had already been superseded by Gen. Salas, who 
immediately after having taken the oath of office, called a 
Congress, for the 6th of December, to amend and proclaim 
the federal Constitution of 1824. Meanwhile, Santa Anna 
retired to his farm near Vera Cruz. 

The •'Diario" of the 2d of September published the an- 



8wer of President Salas to the above mentioned communi- 
cation of our Cabinet, in these terms : 

^' The existing supreme government, being determined 
"not to swerve in any degree from the national will, has 
*' deferred replying to the proposition made by the Govern- 
" ment of the United States, to come to a negotiation upon 
" questions pending between the two countries, until the 
" nation itself, assembled in Congress through its represen- 
•' tatives, shall decide a matter so important, without con- 
"senting in any manner to waive a discussion of the causes 
" of the war (the annexation of Texas) on the pretence that 
" they should be considered merely as "past events (words 
" of Mr. Buchanan) belonging to history" — and that, until 
'^ Congress shall determine the relations of Mexico with the 
'^republic of the United Slates, they will continue such as 
" the present Executive found them in taking charge of the 
** administration." 

This answer had been preceded by a decision of a cabi- 
net council held in Mexico on the 22iid of August, stating 
that " if the United States wanted to have California, New 
Mexico, indemnities (fee. Mexico should prefer war." 

On the 14th of September, Santa Anna, being in the town 
of Ayotla on his way to the city of Mexico, received a note 
from the minister of war, J. N. Almonte, offering him, on the 
part of the acting president Salas, the supreme executive 
power — and on the same day, he replied refusing the power, 
contented with the command in chief of the army destined 
to fight ^perfidious and daring enemy. " The Mexican 
republic, said he, must reconquer the insignia of her glory, 
and obtain a fortunate issue, if victorious, or disappear from 
the face of the earth, if defeated." 

On the 15th, Santa Anna reached the capita], and his first 
care was the organization of a powerful army. He heard 
there with the utmost indifference of the capitulation of 
Monterey, which had occurred on the 24th, and began a 
" movement towards the north." 

On the 3d of October, whilst in the city of Queretaro on 
his way to San Luis Potosi, the great rendezvous of the army, 
where he designed to establish also his head-quarters, he 
wrote a letter wherein he said : " I am now about to display 
all the energy of my character, which is habitual to me, and 
the Americans will very soon succumb, or 1 shall cease to 
exist." 

On the 10th of October, informed that the American Gen. 
Taylor proposed to occupy Leona-Vicario (Saltillo), he sent 



orders for the evacuation of that place, with a view of con- 
centrating all the disposable Mexican forces in San Luis 
Potosi. 

Undpr date of the 10th of Novpmber, in answer to a letter 
ref'eived frojii Gen. Taylor relating to certain prisoners, he 
wrote the following: 

" From the spirit and decision manifested by all Mexi- 
" cans, you should banish all idea of peace, while a single 
*' North-American in arms treads upon the territory of the 
" Kepubiic, and there remain in front of its ports the squad- 
" rons which make war upon them." 

About tliat time Santa Anna received information of the 
" accidental" failure of the appropriation of two millions of 
dollars recommended by presi.ierit Polk to Congress in his 
message ''f the 10th of August, with the assurance that it 
would be recommended agam to Congress on its meeting in 
Deceniber. From that moment he was observed to labor 
under an unusual moroseness, to employ more than one 
amaiiURnsis to write his correspoiidence, and to inundate the 
department of war with unceasing demands for money and 
military stores of all kinds. He was, on the other hand, 
generally and publicly spoken of as playing his card witli a 
view to dL speedy peace ^ according to a certain bargain made 
at Cuba with some figents of the American government, 
prnmisiu'^^ that the United States should remain in lull pos- 
session of the invaded Mexican provinces, pocketing a large 
sum of money offered him by president Polk, and depend- 
ing upon the government of the United States to be sustain- 
ed in the governmentof Mexico. This last part of the rumor 
was thought, however, to be rather too ridiculous, seriously 
to have actuated the great mind of the Mexican hero. The 
fact is that he not only refrained from decisive operations, 
but also ordered the evacuation of Tampico, and only exer- 
cised his numerous troops in marcties and countermarches, 
keeping tlie American forces in check, evidently with the 
intent to wait for the result of the r<'newed efforts of Mr. 
Polk to obtain from Congress the appropriation, which he 
coveted so much. 

'I'he Mexican Congress met on the 6th of December last, 
and one of its first steps was to declare that "no peace 
would be treated or thought ot until every hostile foot shall 
have cleared from the Mexican soil, and every vessel that 
lines the Mexican coast he withdrawn'' — and one of the 
first recomn)endations of Santa Anna to Congress was the 
confiscation of all American property, in order to carry on 



the war, and the making prisoners of war all Americans re- 
siding in the country, as a. fatal stroke, said he, to those pir- 
ates (ourselves). 

On the 23d of the same month, Santa Anna was declared 
provisional president of the United Mexican States, by a 
vote of eleven states to nine, through their respective repre- 
sentatives in Congress, and Valentin Gomez Farias, vice- 
president. They both took the oath of office "to observe 
and cause to be observed, the /ec?er«/ constitution of 1824, 
and to maintain the independence and integrity of the na- 
tional territory." Farias, in. the absence of Santa Anna, as- 
sumed the duties of acting president. 

From this historical statement of facts, all persons are 
enabled to perceive that the " reasons" of the recommenda- 
tion made by Mr. Polk in August 1846, had already ceased 
to exist in December ultimo, when he vsolicited again from 
Congress an appropriation of three millons of dollars; and 
that they are utterly destroyed, to revive no more except in 
his own peculiar brains, this present day of February 1847, 
when he is still soliciting from Congress the desired appro- 
priation. Santa Anna has spoken — the Mexican congress 
has spoken — the army, the nation to a man, have spoken — 
and to complete the measure, Farias is there — the respected 
and beloved leader of the federalists now in power, is there 
— the man, to whom all the gold of the universe is less than 
zero, is there — and he is the president whilst Santa Anna 
is at the head of the army, and he would prove an impreg- 
nable rock against all unpopular attempts of Santa Anna, 
should he leave the army, and return to the presidential 
functions. With Farias, no California, no Santa Fe, no Rio 
Grande, not even the annexed Texas. Therefore, we must 
fight; and we must do it agreeably to the most baneful and 
absurdof all moral and political tenets: our country right 
or wrong. 

Let us now see upon what ground rested, even in August 
1846, those mysterious "reasons," which determined Mr. Polk 
to recommend, for the first time, to Congress the appropriation 
in question. These "reasons" were two : 1st. the supposed 
disunion, poverty, timidily, nay annihilation of the Mexicans, 
especially in consequence of our celebrated victories of Palo 
Alto and Resaca de la Palma: 2dly. the proverbial venality 
of Sanla Anna, who, recalled home from his banishment by a 
powerful pronunciamiento in favor of the federal constitution 
of 1824, was supposed to be about to go and become again an 
almighty dictator, from whose will and pleasure alone we 



Id 

could obtain, for a dish of lentils, as large a portion of the 
Mexican territory as we desired. 

These were the ''reasons," and these reasons were but ridi- 
culous dreams produced by an indigest notion of the truecliar- 
acter of the Mexicans, and of the true positionand importance 
of Santa Anna. 

In speaking of the Mexicans, I intend to point out a mass of 
seven millions of ignorant Indians, and other colored automata, 
blindly depending on the oracle of nearly another million of 
Spaniards and Creoles, wlrj- fom^ tlie whole white population 
of Mexico. As individuals, they ere with few exceptions a 
set of corrupt, revengeful, mistrustful, hypocritical, treacher- 
ous thieves, tho' prod i^jjal, gay and sociable fellows, not without 
courage, and decidedly good sohiiers if well conimanded. A 
tenth part of the white population only, and a fifth of the inesli- 
zoSj may be said to receive some education, a monacal educa- 
tion, however, except a few who are sent to study in foreign 
colleges. As a nation they are remarkable for an incompara- 
ble love of country. They are in this respect as proud as those 
ancient hidalgos caslellanos^ whose patriotism gave in other 
times so much celebrity to the Spanish name. But they form, 
in reality, but a miserable j)arody of their noble progenitors, 
for they mistake for love of country a judaical hatred to foreign- 
ers, whose refinement they envy, and whose talents they fear. 
This hatred, and the apprehension that some religious opinions 
might be introduced in t heir country not exactly similar to theirs, 
cause them to unite to a man against foreign invaders, and par- 
ticular-ly if they are satisfied that the right is on their side. In 
this case they are ready to immolate on the altar of their coun- 
try every thing they possess, party opinions, family, friends, 
life and even personal honor. In a w^ar of national indepen- 
dence, the invaders, however strong and sagacious^ have to 
fear a Sicilian vesper when they least expect it. No money 
can seduce them. Jackson, in 1829 could not induce Mexico 
to sell Texas to us for ten millions of dollars. Texas, in 1837, 
could not buy from Mexico the acknowledgement of her inde- 
pendence for five millions of dollars, besides a bonus of two 
hundred thousand dollars to her agents in the transaction. And 
now let me relate an anecdote concerning the Mexican Ajistides, 
Gomez Farias. This brave man, whilst in 1835 vice-presi- 
dent, and a federalist, was compelled by the reckless pres- 
ident Santa Anna to fly with all his family to New Orleans, 
where I was also residins;. His indisfence obliged him to bor- 
row money, or pawn his valuables every day to sustain his dear 
children and virtuous wife. Being known to possess in Texas 



u 

an immense grant of lands, which, after the declaration of the 
Texan independence, was exposed to be confiscated, a rich and 
benevolent foreigner offered 15,000 dollars for it. The answer 
of Farias was: ''que vayan mis liijos apedir limosna; yo no he 
de vender iierra mejicaua a ningun extrangero." 

Now to Santa Anna. Under date of JSovember 19th, 1846, 
that i?, twenty days before the transmission of the late annual 
message of President Polk to Congress, I wrote to our Honor- 
able Secretary of State, James Buchanan, among other impor- 
tant communications (to which he very gentlemanly returned no 
answer) the following: 

"Santa Anna is the secret head of the monarchical conspira- 
cy in Mexico. Exile from his country, hoping no longer for 
dictatorships, wishing to return home, but never to live under 
the authority of any of his countrymen, he conceived in Havana 
the revival of the lamous "Plan de Iguala." Spain, France and 
England were delighted at it ; but the two latter powers desired 
that Mexico should be made to ask herself £ot a King. To this 
end all the operations of Santa Anna are now tending. He has 
been enabled to return to Mexico under his false promise to re- 
store the jedeial constitution of 1824, and destroy that very 
ce7ilralism^ which had been the work of his own hands. Now, 
by adroitly fomenting a civil war between those two parties — 
by opposing but a Itinporizing resistance to our invasion, in 
order more eilicienily to vex the Mexican nation — by squeez- 
ing the purses of the monarchists themselves (the clergy,ihe 
nobility, the Spanish merchants, many old generals &c.) — 
and by coaxing and captivating the favor of a large army — a 
powerful proniinciamiento for a constitutional king will take 
place, a European fleet will appear with Montpensier and dona 
Luisa at Very Cruz, and the messages both of Monroe and 
Polk respecting " non interference" will be laughed at, Tex- 
as will then be re-incorporated to New Spain, notwithstanding 
our volunteers, or ceded, perhaps, to us for a competent sum 
of money, should Mexico be disposed to sell her, and we to 
buy her without slavery. As to California, Chihuahua, Coahu- 
ila, New-Mexico, on either side of Rio Grande &c., these are 
gay dreams, excited by mad covetousness supported by crim- 
inal military proclamations." 

This my tirade is, of course, |3rop/jea'c, but based on no ideal 
data, as is hiiherto proved by the conduct of Santa Anna with 
regard to his temporizing movements, squeezing purses, fo- 
menting civil dissentions &c. But suppose the motives of his 
conduct to be different ; what can they be .'^ His position is 
8uch that it is utterly impossible for him to regain the slight- 



18 

est popularity in Mexico but by gaining a complete victory 
over our army, and clear his country of all American foes. 
Should he ever be suspected of the least connivance with Mr. 
Polk to conclude a peace by the cession of any part of the 
Mexican territory, he is lost. Why then should he remain 
still inactive at the head of a powerful and cosily army, whilst 
our forces are so situated that they could be cut off on every 
side by half their numbers! The reason is obvious; he will 
be inactive whilst a hope for the millions offered by Mr. Polk 
is alive in his breast. A hasty hostile movement would kill 
that flattering hope. To have our money, and then to fall on 
our troops with all his power, behold his plan. Would we 
carry our imbecility so far as to believe, that our money would 
turn a Santa Anna into a good friend of ours! And even if 
such a miracle could take place, are his means, his forces, his 
authority such as to make us easy about the result? In no 
way. We would lose the money, California, New-Mexico, 
the indemnities, our army, our national honor, and become the 
fable of the present and future generations. Down, then, with 
such an appropriation of money. 

I have said we would lose our army — yes, most assuredly. 
With the same frankness the defeat of the French in Spain was 
foretold in 1808 by Talleyrand, and by others loudly predic- 
ted that of Napoleon in Egypt and in Russia, without any of 
them having been accused of aflbrding '^aid and comfort" to 
the enemy. 1 regret to say that my opinion is foitiiied by 
having found all the plans hitherto proposed for the continua- 
tion of Polk's war, suggested no doubt by mistaken ideas about 
the physical, economical, political and moral state of things in 
Mexico, evidently tending to expose our present or future for- 
ces in that country to a fate as awful as inevitable. We have 
to fight there not a Mexican army, but the whole Mexican na- 
tion, and its deleterious climate. Did we not triumph over the 
English at home ? Did not the Texans triumph over the Mex- 
icans at home? Why should not the Mexicans triumph now 
over us in their country ? Has experience not yet taught us 
that any nation whatever, when united, when fighting for its 
independence, when satisfied that the right is on its side, is 
invincible? Mr. Polk will not subdue Mexico with the 
chicane du barreau. 

But, even in the supposition that Santa Anna might be ena- 
bled to become again the absolute master of Mexico, and grant 
us peace and lands without any opposition from the Mexicans, 
on what guaranty can Mr. Polk rely that Santa Anna would 
comply with his engagement, after receiving the money ? In the 



13 

above quoted letter of the 19th November, I said to Mr. Bucha- 
nan ; '' Is it possible that a man (*), known in both worlds as 
the basest and most infamous of traitors, could have deserved the 
confidence of a president of the United States of America? Is it 
possible that, to evince to the world our power, wisdom, brave- 
ry, honor arid republican grandeur, we should liave resorted to 
vilely bribing a miserable outcast, the assassin of the Alamo and 
Goliad ?" 

Suppose this other case. It is the custom with Mexicans 
to make their pro?iimcianiiejitos 6\}v\\)g the night; so that you 
go to bed green and awake red. Should the Mexican people 
go to bed republicans, and by a nocturnal military revolution, 
awake subjects of King Montpensier, under a Franco-hispano- 
Mexican flag, and the government, acting in the name of King 
Anthony the first, gives official notice of the event to our gen- 
erals Scott, Taylor &c. with a polite invitation to evacuate 
forthwith the new kingdom or empire, from San Francisco to 
Alvarado, and from the Sabine to Acapulco, what will be the 
course of the at once belligerent and peaceful Mr. Polk? Will 
he fire on Franco-hispano-Mexican troops? Will he keep 
Franco-Mexican ports and fortresses? Will he ask from Con- 
gress new regiments, more millions &c. to prosecute the war 
vigorously, that is, to conquer a speedy and honorable peace? 
Will he declare war against France and Spain? Will he then 
recover from Santa Anna the money, if paid, or will he send it 
to King Anthony if not yet in Santa Anna's claws? An an- 
swer if you please. 

* When in 1825 I first knew this man, this Mexican excellency, and received 
his most assiduous attentions in Mexico, I understood him to be ambition it- 
self personified ; but 1 thought him animated by honest principles, and was 
led to conclude that there was in Mexico no man so apt to operate a political 
and moral reform in that demi-savage nation, as himself. I was utterly ig- 
norant of his origm, past life, private or public, duplicity of character, views 
of future action &c. On h is part, confident to have gained my esteem, he en- 
tertained a long and affectionate correspondence with me after my return to 
the United States. I was subsequently compelled by his treacherous, cow- 
ardly, assassin-like conduct, to publish nine of his letters, first in a Spanish 
journal, which I was editing in New Orleans, in 1836, during his invasion of 
Texas, and then, in a certain voluminous Statement of facts, dated October 
22, 1841, when under the amphibious administration of Tyler, Webster & Co. 
his Commissioners were trying very hard in Washington to deprive me of an 
indemnity, to which his perfidious and inhuman abuse of power had given me 
indisputable rights. On both occasions, one of his nine letters above mention- 
ed, dated October 11, 1831, attracted the liveliest interest of all readers, for 
it exhibited at the same time a truly extraordinary specimen of base ambi- 
tion, stupid selfishness, and the grossest ignorance. And in the aforesaid 
"Statement of facts," I passed, page 144, a certain sentence, as presiding 
judge of my own tribunal, on senor Santa Anna, sent it to all the members of 
Congress, the cabinet, the supreme court, the diplomatic body, and to the 
state governors, the leading journals, the most famed lawyers &c. Mr. Polk 
did not see it, I suppose. He will find it at the end of^these writings, together 
with the above epistle of Santa Anna, of 1831. But, cut bono ! 



u 

It has been contended, however, in the Senate, that ** the 
money is waniednot as a ^ecref service money, but as money, for 
which a return uas to be made publicly before the world — • 
that Mexico owes indemnity for tiie expenses of the w^ar, and the 
payment of the claims of our citizens — that to effect this object, a 
cession of a part of her territory is necessary, she being s^ip- 
posed to have no money to pay us— and that no senator would 
be willing- io take less (what dignified language!) than New 
Mexico and Upper California ! 

Not as a secret service money: what then? Doubtless for 
a purchase. Shall the price of a thing bought be paid before 
the contract ? Shall a contract with a foreign nation be execu- 
ted without the sanction of the Senate? Wait, then, for this 
sanction, and then the appropriation shall be made. 

Mexico owes indemnity to our citizens — Yes ; a balance of 
one million and a half of dollars. She owes nothing yet for 
unliquidated claims. But she has been compelled by Mr. Polk 
to suspend the payment of that balance, and she has justly de- 
layed, but not refused, her concurrence to the adjustment of 
pending claims. Is the delay unjust? Why, then, has not our 
Government appointed a Commission ad hoc ? Because it suits 
not the mysterious views of Mr. Polk. The constitution de- 
signates the Supreme Court of the United States to decide on 
questions between American citizens and a foreign power. — 
Why are not these unadjusted claims sent before that supreme 
tribunal ? Because the claimants must be cheated. 

Mexico is supposed to have no money — and was a mere sup- 
position a just and lawful casus belli? Is now this same sup- 
position a reason for ''prosecuting the war with vigor," with 
which Mr. Polk, and his despicable advisers, are still threat- 
ening the powerless and innocent target of tlieir covetous and 
inhuman speculations ? Are we, on the other hand, the account- 
ants of the Mexican treasury, to assert with so much gravity 
that she has no money ? 

We must have New Mexico and Upper California. We 
must! How well this ultra-sultanic language sounds in the 
mouth of a republican lawgiver! We must ! and Mexico says: 
I mu^t have all that I possessed before the rebellion of my for- 
eign Colonists in Texas. Who is right! Who is wrong? No 
mediation, we say — no arbitration — not even a suspension of 
arms to attempt an amicable negotiation — No mercy, no mi- 
sericorde — Sword, fire, force, caprice, blood, plunder, devas- 
tation, military annexations — this is, and m\yA h^ owv republi- 
can policy, a very honest and glorious one, because we are the 
strongest, and because Mr. Polk, and his cabinet-makers, have 
nothing to fear frbm the balls of an enraged victim of their 



1^ 

shameful schemes. Bah ! this the nineteenth century will not 
allow, sir. 

Our lo^icis evidently perverted by errors, common indeed to 
the ignorant and inexperienced of ail countries, but peculiarly 
so amongst infant nations, as ours undoubtedly is. This accounts 
for the numberless blunders, which are keeping our society in 
continual and ilisgusting turmoils, the necessary efiectofa pre- 
carious and anarchical existence. VVe believe, par example, 
that the respectability of a man is determined by his ofilce or 
titles, and not by his own character — that our conceptions are 
beyond the comprehension of tlie rest of mankind — that we 
must judge of a work from the idea we have formed of the au- 
thor — that the merit of men is to be measured (rom the result 
of his feats, without any regard to the true causes of that re- 
sult — that every thing, even an absurdity, is possible, probable 
or certain which flatters our hopes or desiies, and incredible 
what we hate or fear — We judge of the ciiaracter of foreign 
nations from what we know of a few of tlieir individuals &c." 
But the most dangerous of all errors is to believe that all men 
and all nations think and act as we would ourselves act or think 
in like circumstances. Nothing is better calculated to cause 
•us to turn our own weapons against ourselves, sparing the ene- 
my the trouble of chastising our levity or presumption. In 
dealing with Mexicans, above all, our most reasonable expec- 
tations will always be baffled, on account of their peculiar aver- 
sion to every thing which is not Mexican, and of their natural 
and indomitable spirit of contradiction with the rest of mankind^ 
even in their most trifling private transactions. With us mo- 
ney is heaven, the supreme felicity ; with the Mexicans, all mo- 
ney not positively indispensable to live, is an indifferent su- 
perfluity. 

Let us now glance at some other topics on our subject, pecu- 
liarly affecting public order at home. 

The recommendation of president Polk involves necessarily 
a serious question in law. The senator, who of late has insis- 
ted that Congress should know what is to be done with the 
money, repudiating the idea that it should be placed at the dis- 
cretion and control of the president, is perfectly vight. If we 
wish to have our Constitution, that already to much contemned 
palladium of our liberties, not completely pulverized by ]\]r. 
Folk, let us pay some attention to the legality of his endeavors 
to obtain the so much desired appropriation. 

The Constitution of the United States, Art. 1, Sect. IX 
6. ordains: 

"No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in conse- 
quence of appropriations made6y/ai^?; and a regular statement 



16 

and account of the receipt and expenditures of all public mo- 
ney^ shall be published from time to time." 

From the letter of this article every common mind discovers 
the eagerness which actuated the wise framers of that instru- 
ment for the proper administration of the national finances, jeal- 
ously c^uarding it ag?iinst all abuse detrimental to them. 

By law — But is a law to be enacted upon mysterious asser- 
tions and vaifue requests of the Executive, that is, non cognila 
caiissa in all its details and aspects, clearly and fully specified, 
examined and debated } Shall the mere manifestation of an ob- 
ject, the practicability of which is not demonstrated, but is ap- 
parently highly doubtful and impropable, authorize an appro- 
priation of three millions of dollars, which might either com- 
promise our national honor if destined to buy a peace, a peace 
which can now be neither bought^ nor conquered, or even le- 
galize a criminal peculation ? Will congress, in whom the sov- 
ereignty of the people solely and exclusively resides by dele- 
'gation, be wilfully a servile instrument of executive transac- 
tions, known to the president alone, whose constitutional respon- 
sibility is rendered null and void by tlie very same spirit of par- 
ty, vvhicli has made him president.? 

^'Should it (the appropriation) be made, the president says, 
"and be not needed, it will remain in the Treasui^y. Should 
"it be deemed proper to apply it in whole or in part, it will be 
" accounted for as other [)ublic expenditures." 

Quczrifur. 

1st. Who is to deem proper the application of the money in 
whole or in part.!^ The president.? Then we have a single 
man disposing of three nriliions of dollars of the public money, 
according to his own judgment and pleasure^ in open defiance 
of the letter and spirit of the Constitution; an actof wdiich there 
is no example even under the most despotic governments ; an act 
which insults reason and cannot fail to awake the indignation of 
all patriots. 

2d. Who is to account for the money ^ if not needed .? the 
president.? Well; I believe him to be honesty itself personi- 
fied ; but, if cheated by Santa Anna or others, if the victim of 
a mistaken calculation, or if (by w^ay of argument) suspected or 
found guilty of embezzlement, is he able to re-imburse the Treas- 
ury .? If he has no such ability, if no body else, who might be- 
come responsible for the money (for there is no infallibility on 
earth) be able to refund it, what then.? Fictitious wants could 
be alleged to justify the im,proper use of the money — what 
remedy then.? A sum of three millions of dollars is rather 
tempting — honor with some persons is but fried fish — and pun- 
ishment is out of the question. We have seen defaulters to the 



17 

amount of hundreds of thousands, arrested, bailed to the amount 
of a [ew thousands, joyfully forfeiting the reconnoissance, en- 
joying, in full security the fruit of their knavery in distant cli- 
mates, or even honorably continuing their residence among us, 
surrounded and courted hy numerous admirers of their high 
respectability. Buy the pens of half a dozen leading editors, 
and all wrong becomes innocence, justice and right, llence so 
many rapid and gigantic fortunes, which the humbuged people 
are made to believe the fruit of American enterprise, skill, and 
honorable toil. 

Finally, on certain honest senators having justly manifested 
their apprehension that slavenj might be introduced in any 
portion of the Mexican territory, the acquisition of which is 
in Mr. Polk's conten})lalion, others have wittily observed that 
this question is entirely irrelevant to the three millions appro- 
priation bill. What conned ion, say they, has slavenj with a 
treaty to be made with Mexico (a bribe to be offered).-* In 
treating with Mexico, the president will have no conditions to 
make about slavery. Mexico lias nothing to do with our do- 
mestic inslilutions. Our congress alone lias a legal authority 
in this mattf-r &c. I ask your pardon, gentlemen. Every 
honest lawgiver has a right, and it is his indispensable duty, 
after the scandalous exi^mple of Texas, to vote no money for the 
acquisition of any foreign larid-s, unless certain that, no slavery 
will ever be introduced there; and as the three millions solici- 
ted by Mr. Polk are said to be intended to pay for tl.»e acquisi- 
tion of >?exican territories, where no slavery exists, our na- 
tional Icgislnture should grant no money for that purpose, un- 
less irrevocably forbidding ils introduction in such territories. 
Our consliiuiioii has already been a thousand times capricious- 
ly interpreted as to the pretended rights of (ho present states 
about slavrrij. Shall not, before the admission of new states 
ortcrriloiics to this Uivi >n, all questions ^ho\yi slavery ()e clear- 
ly and unequivocally solved, inorderto prevent all further pro- 
pagaiion, nay the [)erpetuation of that abominable scourge 
amidst an enlightened, humane and chi-islian nation? 

But, to coneiudt*. about the three million bill. In justice to 
President .Jam(!s Knox Polk, we should admire his prudence 
m atoning for hx"^ prodl'j,ality towards his beloved cousin Santa 
Anna by the economical spirit, by which he has been actuated 
in warmly lecommendino; to Congress, in the same message 
(if the term message can properly be applied to a low plead- 
ing uf an ignorant barrister), that '-^ no appropriations be made 
"by Congress, except such as are absolutely necessary for 
^'' i\\Q vigorous prosecution of the xoar (by buying a speedy 



18 

* peace), and the due administration of the government (his 
"dailystipend of $68.50 included, of course"). 

No ap'proprialion — / admirable economy ! We must con- 
clude, therefore, that the blood of his countrymen shed abroad 
isnoteuough for the complement of Mr. Polk's glory; he 
wants also to bathe in their tears at home. He wants to plunge 
our ex-claimants on France and Mexico, now creditors of the 
United Slates^ into misery and disgrace. He wants to throw 
them into jail as bankrupts, and delight himself with the dis- 
tressing groans of the aged, the helpless child, the destitute 
widow! Three millions of dollars to the enemy, not a cent to 
a friend ! A^o appropriaiionl This is the loving language of 
our paler pa trice ! He has corqucrcd, nny annexed to our 
country nearly half of the iMexican empire, and recommends 
fw approvjioiirms for the payment of the very iMexican debt, 
which has been the false pretext ol'his war and conquests, and 
which scarcely amounts to one million and a half of dollars! 
A haughty and contemptuous silence is his answer to all re- 
monstrances firmly grounded on the law of nations, and on 
our own fundamental law! Very well, Mr. President, go 
ahead ; but hear Seneca: 

" Quidquid in altum for tuna tulitj ruitura levat^ 

And now hear Horace: 

' • Baro antcccdentem scdcstum 
*' Dcseruit pcde poena claudo.'''* 

S. * * • 

United States, February 7ih, 1847. 

THE LETTER OF GENERAL SANTA ANNA TRANSLATED 

AD LITERAM FROM SPANISH INTO ENGLISH. 

Vera Cruz, October 11th, 1831. 
Mt Esteemed Friend : — I have the pleasure to answer your favor of the 
5th ultimo, by which I perceive that my letter of the 9th April last, came to 
hand. I have received the prospectus of the "Foreign College" you contem- 
plate to establish, which not only meets with my entire approbation, but, con- 
iidering your talents and uncommon acquirements, I congratulate you on em- 
ploying them in a manner so generally useful, and personally honorable. 1 
thank you cordially for the news and observations you have had the kindneu 
lo communicate to me, and both make me desire the continuation of your es- 
teemed epistles. Retired as 1 am, on my farm, and there exclusively devoted 
to the cultivation and improvement of my small estate, I cannot reply, as i 
deeire, to the news with which you have favored me. But, even in that retire- 
ment, and though separated from the arena of politics, I could never vievr 
with indifference any discredit thrown on my country, nor any thing which 
might, in the smallest degree, possess that tendency. We enjoy al present 
peace and tranquility, and 1 do not know of any other question of public m- 
terest now in agitation, than the approaching clectiom of President and Vic« 
President. When that period shall arrive, should I obtain a majority of suf- 
frages, I am rtady to accept the honor, and to sacrifice, for the benefit of tb« &»" 



19 

tion, my repose and the charms of private life. My fixed system is to be ealttd 
(ser llamado), resembling in this a modest maid (modesta doncella), who rather 
expects to be desired^ than to show herself to be desiring. I think that my position 
justifies me in this respect. Nevertheless, as what is written in a foreign coun- 
try has much influence at home, especially among us, in your city I think it 
proper to make a great step on this subject ; and by fixing the true aspect, in 
which such or such services should be regarded, as respects the various candi- 
dates, one could undoubtedly contribute fo ^ fecre /)u6/tc opinion^ which is at 
present extremely wavering and uncertain. Of course, this is the peculiar pro- 
vince of the friends of Mexico; and as well by this title, as on account of the 
acquirements and instruction you possess, I know of no one better qualijied than 
yourself to execute such a benevolent undertaking #*##»• 
1 hope you will favor me from time to time with information, which will al- 
ways give satisfaction to your true friend and servant, who kisses your hands. 

Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna> 

EXTRACT FROM A " STATEMENT OF FACTS," PUBLISHED IN 

THE CITY OF WASHINGTON ON THE 22d OF OCTOBER, 1841, 

page 144. 

A Sentence — 

{*Sfter an Indictment containing eight cotmts.) 

" For these considerations, for the present, I do publicly declare, loudly 
pronounce, firmly assert, conscientiously swear, and irrevocably decree : 

1st. That Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna is a liar, a coiuard, a scoundrel, an 
impostor, a traitor, a disgrace to mankind : 

2dly. That should the Mexican nation ever place him again or suffer him 
to place himself there, at its head, it ought and must be deemed to be, from 
the oldest to the youngest, from the richest to the poorest, from the strongest 
to the weakest of its citizens, nothing but a pitiful gang of stupid, ignorant, 
demoralized, debased fools : 

3dly. That all governments in the world, who may be so unprincipled as to 
engage at any time in the least intercourse with Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna> 
as the chief, under whatever title, of the Mexican nation, should be looked 
upon as entirely destilxite of honor, and worthy only of the execration of their sub- 
jects, and of the contempt of all reasonable beings. 

4th. That this my sovereign and irrevocable decree shall be translated into 
French, the universal language of diplomacy, and circulated, as far as possi- 
ble, all over the globe. 

Done and given under my hand and seal, in the city of Washington, district 
of Columbia, in the United States of America, this twenty-second day of Oc- 
tober, the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty one, and iImi 
l&nt dmy of the sixty-eighth year of my age &c." 



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